The battle for the takeover of Bengal by saffrons is getting fresh dynamism, writes ARUN SRIVASTAVA
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Union Home Minister Amit Shah was not far from the truth when on Sunday he said that the politics of "cut money" that acquired a menacing character during the TMC government would be one of the primary reasons for Mamata's defeat in the ensuing Bengal assembly elections.
It is worth recalling that these elements had played the most vital role in ensuring the ouster of the Left Front from power and ushering in the TMC rule in the state in 2011 assembly elections. This class is the fulcrum of the rural growth and development. During Mamata's rule they thrived at different levels but they continued to influence the functioning of the rural governance and administration.
Like the urban middle class of other states, after the victory of TMC for the second time in 2016 they started longing for more.
Incidentally, after the victory of Narendra Modi for the second time in 2019, they had come to realise that their aspirations for more could be fulfilled if they switch over to the BJP. The cadres of the political parties who played key roles during left front rule or even after switching their loyalty to Mamata are no more mere cadres, this has emerged as the new system of governance, the new class which is business, which knows the importance of power and politics. For it, politics is not only a rendering service, but also a mechanism of business.
It is worth mentioning that Subhendu Adhikari had met Amit Shah in 2014 itself, much before the 2019 elections. He has been associated with the Nandigram movement which catapulted Mamata to power. Obviously, he was aware of the change in the attitude and behaviour of such elements.
“ The cadres of the political parties who played key roles during left front rule or even after switching their loyalty to Mamata are no more mere cadres, this has emerged as the new system of governance, the new class which is business, which knows the importance of power and politics. For it, politics is not only a rendering service, but also a mechanism of business.
Adhikari, after joining BJP yesterday said; "Amitji is like an elder brother to me…. In 2014, after Amitji had helped the BJP win the Lok Sabha polls and swept the Uttar Pradesh elections, then in a small room in the old BJP party office in Delhi, Amitji gave me darshan. The meeting was organised by Siddharth Nath Singh who is now the health minister in Uttar Pradesh."
What a paradox; the poem "Amar Sonar Bangla" which Rabindranath Tagore penned to unite the Bengalis post 1905 partition of Bengal, was being used by Amit Shah to unite these forces and divide the common Bengali.
It is the worst kind of absurdity that the two states of Punjab and Bengal, which suffered the pangs of the partition of the country the most, are at the target of the BJP. While in Punjab the BJP is out to denigrate the farmers' movement, in Bengal it is determined to divide the homogenous society.
Shah said if voted to power, his party will restore the state to the glory days when it was called 'Sonar Bangla' (prosperous Bengal) within five years. He even claimed wherever BJP has formed government, the states have started their journey on the path of development. But the fact remains that these states, including Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, are before our eyes and people have tested the fruit of the Modi rule in them.
“What a paradox; the poem "Amar Sonar Bangla" which Rabindranath Tagore penned to unite the Bengalis post 1905 partition of Bengal, was being used by Amit Shah to unite these forces and divide the common Bengali.
Political violence has not been unknown to Bengal. From the days of Naxalbari movement to the present day, political violence has featured in many ways. While thousands of young and bright scholars, nearly 28,000 people, were killed during the naxalbari movement from 1977 to 1996, and is still taking place, ironically this is for the first time, the violence is being communalised by the BJP leaders.
The earlier incidents of violence did not divide Bengal, but this is purely aimed at creating a deep schism which will never be healed.
“Political violence has not been unknown to Bengal. From the days of Naxalbari movement to the present day, political violence has featured in many ways.
In a strong message to the ruling Trinamool Congress, Shah accused the Mamata government of having failed to stop infiltration as it believes in minority appeasement and that his party is not threatened by attacks. He said political violence is at its peak in Bengal. More than 300 BJP workers have been killed and there has been no progress in investigation into the deaths.
In the past the governors Gopalkrishna Gandhi and MK Narayanan had raised the issue of politicisation of violence. The present governor Jagdeep Dhankar too has been raising it. But there is a difference. Unlike the two governors, Dhankar is out to severely undermine and shatter the concept of federalism.
Amit Shah promises to turn the present Bengal into Sonar Bangla. But the biggest question is how could the party, which does not know about the ethics and culture of the state, transform it. It is sad to see that even the native leaders of the BJP in Bengal could not raise their voice against the dishonour that was perpetrated on Kabiguru Tagore. They remained a passive spectator. If Shah really believed in what he said: "Tagore has not only enriched the philosophy and literature of India, but also made Santiniketan a base for connecting Indian culture to that of many other countries," then he should certainly apologise publicly to Tagore for the disrespect that had been shown by his party men.
“Amit Shah promises to turn the present Bengal into Sonar Bangla. But the biggest question is how could the party, which does not know about the ethics and culture of the state, transform it.
Flex hoardings, with a photo of Shah on top, the image of Tagore in the middle and that of BJP leader Anupam Hazra underneath appeared in Shantiniketan ahead of Shah's visit to Visva-Bharati and a roadshow in Bolpur. The posters drew the ire of Left parties, Tagore's family members and wide range of academics and intellectuals. They held that, "People coming from outside cannot insult Tagore, who is the pride of our nation. They cannot belittle our luminaries. The poster (flex) has insulted Tagore and scores of people in the country. It shows that the BJP has no respect for our icons."
A senior leader however admitted that the party was yet to recover from the damage of incidents such as the demolition of Bengal Renaissance stalwart Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar's bust last year or the incorrect identification of an anonymous statue as that of tribal icon Birsa Munda last month.
The sources maintain that the party would resort to crude method of coercing the Mamata government. The plan has already rolled on. Based on the reports of Dhankar and the MHA, the Modi government is planning to charge the TMC government of wrecking the spirt of federalism. A move is on to implicate the state government and its senior officials in the case. This is purely a design to destabilise the government. And the Union Home Minister himself is leading the disinformation campaign against Mamata government.
Shah, who is leading the electoral fight in Bengal almost as a personal project, doesn't want to give Trinamool any room for criticism when it comes to establishing the BJP's Bengali credentials. Hence, the act of paying tribute to the three icons was part of a well-thought-out strategy. But contrary to its expectations, it failed to enthuse the people and was caught in the controversy of denigrating the status of Rabindranath Tagore. (IPA)
(Arun Srivastava is a senior journalist. Views are personal.)